People Power Revolution

The People Power Revolution (also known as the EDSA Revolution and the Philippine Revolution of 1986) was a series of popular demonstrations in the Philippines that occurred in 1983-86. The methods used amounted to a sustained campaign of civil resistance against regime violence and electoral fraud. This case of nonviolent revolution led to the departure of President Ferdinand Marcos and the restoration of the country's democracy. It is also referred to as the Yellow Revolution due to the presence of yellow ribbons during the demonstrations and the arrival of Benigno Aquino, Jr..^[1][2] It was widely seen as a victory of the people against the 20-year running authoritarian, repressive^[3] regime of then president Ferdinand Marcos and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the world".^[4]

The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch of Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, more commonly known by its acronym EDSA, in Metropolitan Manila from February 22–25, 1986 and involved over two million Filipino civilians as well as several political, military, and including religious groups led by Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila. The protests, fueled by the resistance and opposition from years of corrupt governance by Marcos, culminated with the departure of the dictator from Malacañang Palace to the United States state of Hawaii. Corazon Aquino was proclaimed as the legitimate President of the Philippines after the revolution.^[5]

On February 25, 2011, the Philippines celebrated the 25th anniversary of the People Power Revolution.^[6]

Background and history

Ferdinand Marcos was elected president in 1965, defeating incumbent Diosdado Macapagal by a very slim margin. During this time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects and the intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built more roads than all his predecessors combined, and more schools than any previous administration".^[7] Amidst charges of vote buying and a fraudulent election, Marcos was reelected in 1969, this time defeating Sergio Osmeña Jr.

Marcos's second term for the presidency, however, was marred by allegations of widespread graft and corruption. The increasing disparity of wealth between the very wealthy and the very poor which made up the majority of the country's population led to the rise of crime and civil unrest around the country. These factors, including the formation of the New People's Army, an armed revolt that called for the redistribution of wealth and land reform in the Philippines, and a bloody Muslim separatist movement in the southern island of Mindanao led by the Moro National Liberation Front, contributed to the rapid rise of civil discontent and unrest in the Philippines.

Marcos was barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, so on September 23, 1972, by virtue of a presidential proclamation (No. 1081), he declared martial law, citing rising civil disobedience as justification. Through this decree, Marcos seized emergency powers giving him full control of the Philippine military and the authority to suppress the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and many other civil liberties. Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut down media establishments critical of the Marcos government. Marcos also ordered the immediate arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate President Jovito Salonga, Senator Jose Diokno, and Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., the staunchest of his critics and the man who was groomed by the opposition to succeed Marcos after the 1973 elections. Marcos would also abolish the Philippines' 1935 constitution and replace it with a parliamentary-style government (the Batasang Pambansa) along with a new constitution written by him. With practically all of his political opponents arrested and in exile, Marcos' pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972, and the ratification of his new constitution through political coercion, enabled him to effectively legitimize his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as president. At a period when the Cold War was still a political reality, Marcos's dictatorship ensured the political support of the United States by Marcos' promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.^[8]

Throughout his presidency, Ferdinand Marcos had set up a regime in the Philippines that would give him ultimate power over the military and the national treasury, as well as set up a personality cult. Following his declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972,^[9] Marcos immediately began to embezzle money from the government and order the military to kill any political competition against him. As a result, the Philippine economy began to tumble greatly, and the nation lost its competitive edge in Southeast Asia. He also ordered many stores, hotels, schools, universities, and other public places to place his Presidential picture prominently or otherwise their facilities were shut down. The media frequently "eulogized" Marcos through public service announcements and news reports. Even billboard advertisements across the country were replaced with his propaganda messages on justifying his regime's actions. Marcos also ordered the shutdown and takeovers of businesses in the country, then put these businesses either under the government control, or under the control of Marcos cronies.^[8]

Several groups of people, however, even within the government, conspired throughout the term of the Marcos regime to overthrow him. They were led by the popular public figure, incarcerated opposition senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr, who Marcos accused as leaning to a left-wing solution. While gaining popularity amongst the Filipino people for his stance against Marcos, Aquino was eventually forced to seek exile in the United States for health and safety reasons. However, in 1983, Ninoy Aquino announced of his plans to return to the Philippines as a challenge to Marcos's government.^[8]

Within the military and the police, disillusioned junior officers silently conveyed their grievances. This led to the formation of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), Soldier of the Filipino People (SFP), and Young Officers Union (YOU). RAM, which was led by graduates of the Philippine Military Academy Class of '71, Lt. Col. Gringo Honasan, Lt. Col. Victor Batac, and Lt. Col. Eduardo Kapunan, found an ally and mentor in the Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile.

Assassination of Ninoy Aquino

Despite warnings from the military and other pro-Marcos groups, Ninoy Aquino was determined to return to the Philippines. Asked what he thought of the death threats, Ninoy Aquino responded "The Filipino is worth dying for."

On August 21, 1983, after a three-year exile in the United States, as he was disembarking from a commercial flight at the Manila International Airport (now named after him), Aquino was assassinated.^[10] His assassination shocked and outraged many Filipinos, most of whom had lost confidence in the Marcos administration. The event led to more suspicions on the government, triggered non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually caused more civil disobedience.^[11] It also shook the Marcos government, which was by then deteriorating, in part due to Marcos' worsening health condition due to an eventual fatal illness (lupus erythematosus).

The assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983 caused the economic problems of the country to deteriorate even further, and the government plunged further into debt. By the end of 1983, the country was bankrupt, and the economy contracted by 6.8%.^[12]

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, led by Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, to launch an inquiry and investigation into Aquino's assassination. Despite the commission's conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila declined an offer to join the commission, rejecting the government's views on the assassination. By October, Marcos appointed a second commission to investigate. The commission's final report accused the military of staging a conspiracy to assassinate Aquino, dealing another major blow to the already collapsing government. Aquino was shot at Manila International Airport (MIA) which is now called Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA).^[13]

Calls for election

On November 23, 1985, after pressures from Washington,^[14] Marcos suddenly announced that a presidential snap election would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country.^[15] The snap election was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called the Regular Batasang Pambansa. The growing opposition movement encouraged Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, to run for the presidency with Salvador Laurel as running mate for vice-president. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The Aquino-Laurel tandem ran under the United Opposition (UNIDO) party, while the Marcos-Tolentino ticket ran under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party.^[16]

Snap election

The elections were held on February 7, 1986.^[15] The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos' 7,053,068 points.^[17] This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results, culminating in the walkout of 29 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered as one of the early "sparks" of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL.^[18]

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate also passed a resolution stating the same condemnation.^[15] US president Ronald Reagan issued a statement calling the fraud reports as "disturbing".^[19] In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.^[20]

On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner amidst the controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The Filipino people refused to accept the results, however, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both "winners" took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Aquino also called for coordinated strikes and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard, and their shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.

Events of the revolution

Appalled by the bold and apparent election irregularities, the Reform the Armed Forces Movement set into motion a coup attempt against Marcos. The initial plan was for a team to assault Malacañang Palace and arrest Ferdinand Marcos. Other military units will be taking over key strategic facilities, such as the airport, military bases, TV and radio stations, the GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo, and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal troops.

Lt.Col Gregorio Honasan was to lead the team that was going to assault Malacañang Palace.

However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest,^[21] and presented to the international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj. Edgardo Doromal.^[22][23]

Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Enrile and his fellow coup plotters decided to ask for help from then AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos, who was also the chief of the Philippine Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his position and support the plotters. Enrile also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of Manila Jaime Sin for his support.

At about 6:30pm, February 22, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at Camp Aguinaldo, where they announced that they had resigned from their positions in Marcos's cabinet and were withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity."^[24]

At about 9 p.m., in a message aired over Radio Veritas, Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to come to the aid of the rebel leaders by going to EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Nevertheless, many people, especially priests and nuns, trooped to EDSA.^[24]

Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Former University of the Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain account in the event said that: "Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going on."^[25]

Rising mass support

At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast.^[25] The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.^[24]

Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland),^[26] which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the LABAN (fight) sign,^[27] which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger.

Shortly after lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.^[24]

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and LVT-5 tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people.^[28] Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops.^[29] Tadiar asked the crowds to make a clearing for them, but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no shots fired.^[24]

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Bandit Radio). June Keithley, with Angelo Castro, was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the remaining days.^[24]

More defections

At dawn on Monday, February 24, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred. Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.^[24]

Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air Force, led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite (South of Manila) to head to Camp Crame.^[30] Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members. A Bell 214 helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing and Sikorsky S-76 gunships piloted by Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air Commando Squadron joined the rebel squadron earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.^[24] In the afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, RAM officers and a throng were waiting.^[30]

The capture of Channel 4

At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcast this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4,^[31] (using the foreclosed ABS-CBN facilities, transmitter and compound) declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more defections.^[24]

During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off the air. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back on line shortly after noon, with Orly Punzalan announcing, "Channel 4 is on the air again to serve the people." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)^[24] This broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was the time when former employees of ABS-CBN were inside the complex after 14 years of closure since Marcos took it over during the Martial law of 1972. The people who were manning this broadcast were the likes of June Keithley, Fr. Aris Sison, Fr. Efren Datu, Fr. Bong Bongayan, Jose Mari Velez, Orly Punzalan and were directed by Johnny Manahan with former ABS employees. Also this was the first time when the late Eugenio "Geny" Lopez Jr.'s cousin Augusto "Jake" Lopez stepped into ABS-CBN after it had been closed.

In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential air assets. Another helicopter went to Malacañang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected. The majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.^[24]

AFP holds fire

The actual dialogue on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver went as follows:

Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is aiming to mount there in the top, very quickly, you must immediately leave to conquer them, immediately, mr. president.
Ferdinand Marcos: Just wait,come here.
Ver: Please your honor, so we can immediately strike them. We have to immobilize the helicopters that they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.
Marcos: My order is not to attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My order is not to attack
Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday....
Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes, but ah...My order is to disperse without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...

The said dialogue was staged to save face after orders to attack the civilians were not followed. The orders on the military frequency were monitored by RAM officers. This type of staged dialogue is known in the Philippines as "moro-moro".

Two inaugurations

On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9 tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station.^[24]

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino^[32] in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians.^[24] Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a popular folk song and the unofficial National Anthem of protest) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's campaign for presidency.

An hour later, Marcos conducted the inauguration at Malacañang. Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took his oath as the President of the Philippines, broadcast by IBC-13 and GMA-7.^[24] None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony for security reasons. The couple finally stepped out in the balcony of the palace in front of the 3000 KBL loyalists who were shouting to Marcos: "Capture the snakes!"^[33] First Lady Imelda Marcos sang one more rendition of "Dahil Sa Iyo" (Because of You), the couple's theme song, rather tearfully,^[33] chanting her trademark Tagalog entreaties:

Because of you I attained happiness
I offer you my love
If it is true that you shall enslave me
All of this is because of you.^[33]

After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly rushed to leave the Palace. The broadcast of the event was also cut off as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.^[24]

By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.^[24]

Marcos' departure

At 3:00 p.m., Monday, (EST) Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt,^[33] asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly",^[33] to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family including his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four US Navy SH-3 helicopters^[3] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.^[4][24]

When the news of Marcos' departure reached the people, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators were finally able to enter Malacañang Palace, long denied to Filipinos in the past decade. Looting by overly angry protesters occurred, but mostly people wandered inside, looking at the place where all the decisions that changed the course of Philippine history had been made.

Many people around the world rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. Bob Simon, an anchorman at CBS said, "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they are teaching the world."^[24]

Aftermath

In her speech before the United States Congress which she delivered on September 18, 1986, seven months after assuming the presidency, President Aquino observed that "ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever".

Despite the People Power Revolution, however, the democratic political system of the Philippines is still fragile and flawed. Patronage politics still hinders the development of democracy and natural resources are now mostly exploited by Western nations. The 1987 Constitution's third article titled the "bill of rights" is guaranteed by the state, but in most instances is largely ignored by the government, and is viewed by foreign sources as "coded to ensure tyranny of the majority". The revolution also provided the restoration of democratic institutions after thirteen years of authoritarian rule. These institutions have been used by political and social actors to challenge the entrenched political clans and develop Philippine democracy, however.^[34]

The revolution had an effect on democratization movements in places such as Taiwan and South Korea; other effects include the restoration of the freedom of the press, adoption of a new constitution, and the subordination of the military to civilian rule, despite several coup attempts during the Aquino administration.^[35]

While democracy as Filipinos knew it was restored, rampant corruption plagued the government that led to the 2001 EDSA Revolution, which deposed President Joseph Estrada. While the Marcoses fled, and the former president died in exile in Hawaii, his wife Imelda later won a seat in the House of Representatives and his son Ferdinand Jr. was elected senator in 2010. The revolution may have had brought changes to the leadership in the country, the power "remained concentrated among a small rich elite." The perception of the public about the Marcos regime is changing, with some people "focusing on his investments, infrastructure and public works, rather than the human rights abuses and claims of lavish personal spending."^[35]

Criticism

There are political writers, especially those living outside of Metro Manila, who associate the People Power Revolution with what they term as "Imperial Manila" because it was believed that Marcos was toppled from his position without the participation of Filipinos living in areas outside of the capital region. In an article published in Philippine Daily Inquirer, Amando Doronila wrote that:

People power movements have been an Imperial Manila phenomenon. Their playing field is EDSA. They have excluded the provincianos from their movement with their insufferable arrogance and snobbery ... ignoring the existence of the toiling masses and peasants in agrarian Philippines.^[36]

Timeline

1983

• August 21 - Ninoy Aquino is assassinated
• September 21 - As the government celebrates Barangay Day/National Thanksgiving Day to commemorate the declaration of martial law, thousands of Ninoy supporters hold a "National Day of Sorrow" and call for unity in the ranks to topple the Marcos regime.^[37]

1984

• May 14 - Elections for the Batasang Pambansa (parliament) are held. The United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) and the Pilipino Democratic Party-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-LABAN) coalition decide to take part. Cory Aquino, Ninoy's widow, throws her support behind the opposition candidates. They surprise Marcos by winning 56 seats out of the 183 amid familiar allegations of fraud.^[37]
• October 24 - The Agrava Board, tasked with investigating the Aquino assassination, concludes that there was a military conspiracy behind the killing and implicates AFP Chief of Staff Fabian Ver.^[37]

1985

• February 22 - General Ver, 24 soldiers, and one civilian stand trial before the Sandiganbayan for the Aquino murder. Ver takes a leave of absence as Armed Forces Chief of Staff.^[37]
• August - Opposition MPs file a motion for impeachment against Marcos in the Batasan, citing culpable violation of the Constitution and "hidden wealth." The majority party squelches the motion.^[37]
• November 3 - Marcos suddenly announces the holding of snap elections after alleged prodding from the United States.
• December 2 - General Ver and all his co-accused are acquitted by the Sandiganbayan. Marcos reinstates him as Chief of Staff amid widespread protest.^[37]
• December 3 - Corazon Aquino declares her candidacy for President. Salvador Laurel, who earlier has wanted to run for the same position, agrees to be her running mate.^[37]
• December 5 - The Opposition makes a formal announcement of the Aquino-Laurel tandem for the snap elections.^[37]

1986

February 7

• A heavy voter turnout and the judging of the voters' list create confusion during the presidential elections, resulting in the disenfranchisement of three million voters. Incidents of fraud, vote-buying, intimidation, and violence are reported. Election returns are tampered with. The Commission on Elections (COMELEC) tally board shows Marcos leading while the National Citizen's Movement for the Free Elections (NAMFREL) consistently shows Cory Aquino ahead by a comfortable margin.^[37]

February 9

• Thirty computer workers at the COMELEC tabulation center walk out, protesting the tampering of election results.^[37]

February 11

• Oppositionist ex-Governor Evelio Javier of Antique is murdered in front of the provincial capitol where canvassing is being held. Primary suspects are the bodyguards of the local KBL leader.

February 13

• The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issues a statement condemning the elections as fraudulent.

February 22

• 2:00 AM
  • Final meeting of the RAM at Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile's house in Dasmariñas Village before the assault on Malacañang Palace
  • AFP Chief of Staff Fabian Ver calls in additional units to defend Malacañang.
• 3:00 AM
  • The final meeting at the Defense Minister's home is concluded. Lt. Col. Honasan and Kapunan begin their recoinnaisance of Malacañang. To their dismay, they discover battle-hardened Marines stationed at their main point of attack.
• 6:30 AM
  • Maj. Avelino Razon briefs AFP Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel V. Ramos on the developments of RAM's plans.
• 9:00 AM
  • Fabian Ver sends Col. Rolando Abadilla to Col. Honasan to inform the latter that their plans have been made known already and that RAM should not make any rash decisions.
• 10:00 AM
  • Lt. Col. Honasan phones Kapunan and informs him that they are not going to abort the mission, but to simply "freeze" the operation for the next 24 hours.
  • Honasan reviews the situation and assesses the prepositioning of the troops from his office in GHQAFP Camp Aguinaldo
  • Cory Aquino leaves for Cebu to continue the Civil Disobedience Campaign.
• 12:00 NN
  • Navy Capt. Rex Robles was assigned to act as a liaison with the diplomatic community in case the RAM officers will be arrested, and tell the world of their story.
  • U.S. Amb. Stephen Bosworth along with Philip Habib, Pres. Ronald Reagan's personal envoy to Marcos, visit the Palace for a meeting with the President. They discuss the recent elections and the political situation. The U.S. envoys call Marcos to retire Ver.
• 12:45 PM
  • While Marcos was having his meeting with the U.S. envoys, Capt. Ricardo Morales, one of Imelda Marcos' close-in security and who is a mole of RAM in the PSG, reconnoiters the defenses of the Palace grounds, and took the initiative to withdraw some firearms from the PSG armory. He is arrested and is brought to the office of the Aide-de-camp for interrogation.
• 1:45 PM
  • As the meeting came to a close, barely has Amb. Bosworth left the room, Gen. Ver storms into the Presidential study to convey the recent arrest of four officers in the PSG who are found to be members of RAM.
  • Philip Habib confides as he leaves Malacañang, that "Cory won the election and deserves our support. Marcos is finished, and we ought to offer him asylum in the United States."
• 2:00 PM
  • With their plans discovered, Enrile and the RAM officers, had to change their direction. They decided that they need to draw the public support if they are going to storm this crisis out.
• 2:15 PM
  • Cory in the rally in Cebu calls for the boycott of Marcos crony-owned business.
• 3:45 PM
  • Enrile gets through to Cardinal Sin and seeks his moral and active support, as the former felt that he will not survive the day.
• 4:30 PM
  • The first military region to go to the rebel side was Regional Unified Command No. 8, which included troops in Mrs. Marcos's own province, Leyte, led by commander, Brig. Gen. Salvador Mison who was in Camp Aguinaldo.
• 5:30 PM
  • Pres. Marcos first response to the mutiny was to call his family to Malacañang.
• 6:30 PM
  • Malacañang receives a "report" that Ramos and Enrile were "officially withdrawing their support" of the Marcos administration.
• 6:45 PM
  • Enrile and Ramos, surrounded by the their staff and guards hold a press conference at the Social Hall of the GHQAFP, and make the official announcement of their withdrawal of support of the Marcos administration.
  • Enrile states in his opening that "We are going to die here fighting."^[38]
  • Ramos states "There has become an elite Armed Forces of the Philippines that no longer represents the rank and officers' corps of the Armed Forces. ...The President of 1986 is not the President to whom we dedicated our service. it is clear that he no longer is the able and capable commander-in-chief that we count upon. ... He has put his personal family interest above the interest of the people. We do not consider President Marcos as now being a duly constituted authority."^[39]
  • Enrile adds "I cannot in my conscience recognize the President as the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces and I am appealing to the other members of the Cabinet to heed the will of the people expressed during the last elections. Because in my own region, I know that we cheated in the elections to the extent of 350,000 votes. ... No, I will not serve under Mrs. Aquino even if she is installed as a president. ... Our loyalty is to the Constitution and the country. ... You are welcome to join us. We have no food..."^[40]
  • Ramos closes "I am not even acting Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces. I think that when he made that announcement to you and to the whole world last Sunday, he was just fooling us, and he was fooling the entire world because he flip-flopped so many times already. ... I would like to appeal to the fair and to the dedicated and people-oriented members of the AFP and the INP to join us in this crusade for better government."^[40]
• 7:00 PM
• Approximately 7:00 PM
  • Cory receives the news of the withdrawal of support by Enrile and Ramos. She calls Manila to verify the report.
• 8:15 PM
  • Gen. Ver orders Brig. Gen. Fidel Singson, Chief of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP) to "Destroy Radio Veritas!"
  • Unbeknown to Ver, Singson was already in the process of defecting to the rebel group. Singson sends his men to Radio Veritas, not to destroy, but only to reconnoiter the area.
• 8:30 PM
  • Cardinal Jaime Sin goes on air and calls the people to "Please, do not be alarmed, stay home."
• 8:45 PM
  • The rebel group was taken aback by the Cardinal's announcement and calls him to clarify their request. They asked him to send the people to the camps.
• 9:00 PM
  • Cardinal Sin goes on air once more and says "Leave your homes now ...I ask you to support Mr. Enrile and Gen. Ramos, give them food if you like, they are our friends."
  • Inquirer co-chairman Betty Go-Belmonte telephoned Member of Parliament Cecilia Munoz Palma. MP Palma immediately made a call to Radio Veritas and was one of the first opposition leaders to express support for the revolution.^[41]
• 9:30 PM
  • Butz Aquino with the August Twenty-One Movement ATOM Executive Committee deliberate on whether to support Enrile and Ramos. The Executive Committee wants to wait on Cory Aquino for instructions. Butz Aquino finally decided to head to Camp Aguinaldo to support the rebels.
  • Cory Aquino meanwhile is also deciding on what actions to take after receiving the call from ATOM. She requests to speak with Enrile first.
  • Col. Antonio Sotelo, Commander of the 15th Strike Wing, received a call at his Villamor Air Base office from Col. Hector Tarrazona, who was also a member of RAM, asking the Commander whether he is with them. Col. Sotelo confirms that he supports RAM, and orders his Squadron Commanders to arm their attack helicopters.

See also

• Arab Spring
• People Power Uprising
• Revolutions of 1989
• Civil resistance
• Color revolution
• Nonviolent revolution
• Epifanio de los Santos Avenue for more information about the road
• Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo
• EDSA Shrine
• People Power Monument

References

Bibliography

• Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M. Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution. Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986.
• Johnson, Brian. The Four Days of Courage: The Untold Story of the People Who Brought Marcos Down. Toronto, Canada. McClelland and Stewart, 1987.
• Mendoza, Amado, '"People Power" in the Philippines, 1983-86', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. US edition. On Google.
• Mercado, Paul Sagmayao, and Tatad, Francisco S. People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986: An eyewitness history. Manila, Philippines. The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation. 1986.
• Schock, Kurt. Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.